Rising Corruption In Tunisia
Wikileaks is unveiling what Tunisians have always known: they are being robbed in daylight by an uncouth band of mobster thugs.

The Tunisian president Ben Ali is a tyrant. But there's a tyrant and then there's a tyrant. Ben Ali suppresses political dissent but sold Tunisians a mantra of "shut up and make money". Many Tunisians were willing to console themselves to this. In fact, the most common refrain I heard from Tunisians as to their opinion of Ben Ali is that "I do not like him, but I do not hate him". It was reasonable enough: Ben Ali was no angle, but kept the peace and Tunisians were more prosperous than their neighbors in a troubled region. As long as you stayed out of politics, you could enjoy life in a pleasant country and pursue business. But that dictated trade-off is now vanishing. No longer are you safe if you keep your head out of politics. Ben Ali was considered with political power, but his in-laws - the widely detested Trebelsis - are not content with such political dominance and mundane corruption. As with tyranny, there's corruption and then there's corruption. Corruption exists even in open democratic systems, so is to be more expected in an authoritarian regime where officials do not have to fear accountability. But there's the corruption of privatizing national firms into the hands of family and friends, or purloining money from state funds, or using one's influence to procure favorable bank loans which are never paid back nor asked to be. To a degree, such corruption confined to this nature is reasonably tolerable, if need be, and may not have an identifiable adversed effect on the economy. Consider this a more dignified and professional corruption.
The Trebelsis are anything but. These people are literally a rag-tag bunch of uneducated and lowly street thugs who found their way into power through the whoring prowess of First Lady Leila Ben Ali. She was mistress to Ben Ali back when he was prime minister and got pregnant and deceptively told Ben Ali that she was bearing a son (something the father of three daughters desperately wanted) and he summarily married her. Her family slowly began to accumulate power so much so that they now have monopolized the Tunisian economy through thuggery, intimidation, expropriation and outright theft and operate with such immunity that Tunisian now refer to them in mafia parlance as "the Family". The mafia don is a BelHassen Trebelsi - a high school dropout. The U.S. embassy cables in Tunis provide an insightful window to the rampant corruption and its adverse effect on Tunisia's economy as investors fear the growing hand of "the Family" (read the entire report here) (abridged):
According to Transparency International's annual
survey and Embassy contacts' observations, corruption in
Tunisia is getting worse. Whether it's cash, services, land,
property, or yes, even your yacht, President Ben Ali's family
is rumored to covet it and reportedly gets what it wants.
With those at the top believed to be the worst offenders, and likely to remain in power, there are no checks in the system.
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All in the Family
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¶3. (S) President Ben Ali's extended family is often cited as
the nexus of Tunisian corruption. Often referred to as a
quasi-mafia, an oblique mention of "the Family" is enough to
indicate which family you mean. Seemingly half of the
Tunisian business community can claim a Ben Ali connection
through marriage, and many of these relations are reported to
have made the most of their lineage. Ben Ali's wife, Leila
Ben Ali, and her extended family -- the Trabelsis -- provoke
the greatest ire from Tunisians. Along with the numerous
allegations of Trabelsi corruption are often barbs about
their lack of education, low social status, and conspicuous
consumption. While some of the complaints about the Trabelsi
clan seem to emanate from a disdain for their nouveau riche
inclinations, Tunisians also argue that the Trabelsis strong
arm tactics and flagrant abuse of the system make them easy
to hate. Leila's brother Belhassen Trabelsi is the most
notorious family member and is rumored to have been involved
in a wide-range of corrupt schemes from the recent Banque de
Tunisie board shakeup (Ref B) to property expropriation and
extortion of bribes. Leaving the question of their
progenitor aside, Belhassen Trabelsi's holdings are extensive
and include an airline, several hotels, one of Tunisia's two
private radio stations, car assembly plants, Ford
distribution, a real estate development company, and the list
goes on. (See Ref K for a more extensive list of his
holdings.) Yet, Belhassen is only one of Leila's ten known
siblings, each with their own children. Among this large
extended family, Leila's brother Moncef and nephew Imed are
also particularly important economic actors.
¶4. (S/NF) The President is often given a pass, with many
Tunisians arguing that he is being used by the Trabelsi clan
and is unaware of their shady dealings. XXXXXXXXXXXX
a strong supporter of the government and member of
XXXXXXXXXXXX, told the Ambassador that the problem is
not Ben Ali, but "the Family" going too far and breaking the
rules. Nevertheless, it is hard to believe Ben Ali is not
aware, at least generally, of the growing corruption problem.
This might also reflect the seeming geographical divisions
between the Ben Ali and Trabelsi fiefdoms, with the Ben Ali
clan reportedly focused on the central coastal regional and
the Trabelsi clan operating out of the greater Tunis area and
therefore, generating the bulk of the gossip. The Ben Ali
side of the Family and his children and in-laws from his
first marriage are also implicated in a number of stories.
Ben Ali has seven siblings, of which his late brother Moncef
was a known drug trafficker, sentenced in absentia to 10
years prison in the French courts. Ben Ali has three
children with his first wife Naima Kefi: Ghaouna, Dorsaf and
Cyrine. They are married respectively to Slim Zarrouk, Slim
Chiboub, and Marouane Mabrouk -- all significant economic
powers.
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This Land is Your Land, This Land is My Land
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¶5. (S/NF) With real estate development booming and land
prices on the rise, owning property or land in the right
location can either be a windfall or a one-way ticket to
expropriation. In summer 2007, Leila Ben Ali received a
desirable tract of land in Carthage for free from the GOT in
order to build the for-profit Carthage International School
(Ref F). In addition to the land, the school received a 1.8
million dinar (US $1.5 million) gift from the GOT, and within
a matter of weeks the GOT had built new roads and stoplights
to facilitate school access. It has been reported that Ms.
Ben Ali has sold the Carthage International School to Belgian
investors, but the Belgian Embassy has as yet been unable to
confirm or discount the rumor. XXXXXXXXXXXX asserted
that the school was indeed sold for a huge, but undisclosed sum.
He noted any such sale would be pure profit since Ms. Ben Ali's
received land, infrastructure, and a hefty bonus at no cost.
¶6. (S/NF) Construction on an enormous and garish mansion has
been underway next to the Ambassador's residence for the past
year. Multiple sources have told us that the home is that of
Sakhr Materi, President Ben Ali's son-in-law and owner of
Zitouna Radio. This prime real estate was reportedly
expropriated from its owner by the GOT for use by the water
authority, then later granted to Materi for private use. A
cafe owner recounted a similar tale to an Embassy employee,
reporting that Belhassen Trabelsi forced him to trade in a
cafe he previously owned in a prime location for his current
cafe. The cafe owner stated Trabelsi told him he could do
whatever he wanted there; if 50 dinar bribes to the police
were not effective, Trabelsi said the owner had only to call
him and he would "take care of it."
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Yacht Wanted
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¶6. (S/NF) In 2006, Imed and Moaz Trabelsi, Ben Ali's nephews,
are reported to have stolen the yacht of a well-connected
French businessman, Bruno Roger, Chairman of Lazard Paris.
The theft, widely reported in the French press, came to light
when the yacht, freshly painted to cover distinguishing
characteristics, appeared in the Sidi Bou Said harbor.
Roger's prominence in the French establishment created a
potential irritant in bilateral relations and according to
reports, the yacht was swiftly returned. The stolen yacht
affair resurfaced in early 2008 due to an Interpol warrant
for the two Trabelsis. In May, the brothers were brought
before Tunisian courts, in a likely effort to satisfy
international justice. The outcome of their case has not
been reported.
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Show Me Your Money
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¶7. (S) Tunisia's financial sector remains plagued by serious
allegations of corruption and financial mismanagement.
Tunisian business people joke that the most important
relationship you can have is with your banker, reflecting the
importance of personal connections rather than a solid
business plan in securing financing. The legacy of
relationship-based banking is a sector-wide rate of
non-performing loans that is 19 percent, which remains high
but is lower than a high of 25 percent in 2001 (Ref I).
Embassy contacts are quick to point out that many of these
loans are held by wealthy Tunisian business people who use
their close ties to the regime to avoid repayment (Ref E).
Lax oversight makes the banking sector an excellent target of
opportunity, with multiple stories of "First Family" schemes.
The recent reshuffle at Banque de Tunisie (Ref B), with the
Foreign Minister's wife assuming the presidency and Belhassen
Trabelsi named to the board, is the latest example.
According to a representative from Credit Agricole, Marouane
Mabrouk, another of Ben Ali's sons-in-law, purchased a 17
percent share of the former Banque du Sud (now Attijari Bank)
shares immediately prior to the bank's privatization. This
17 percent share was critical to acquiring controlling
interest in the bank since the privatization represented only
a 35 percent share in the bank. The Credit Agricole rep
stated that Mabrouk shopped his shares to foreign banks with
a significant premium, with the tender winner,
Spanish-Moroccan Santander-Attijariwafa ultimately paying an
off the books premium to Mabrouk. XXXXXXXXXXXX
recounted that when he was still at his bank he used to receive
phone calls from panicked clients who stated that Belhassen Trabelsi
had asked them for money. He did not indicate whether he advised
them to pay.
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The Trickle Down Effect
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¶8. (S) While the stories of high-level, Family corruption are
among the most flagrant and oft-repeated, Tunisians report
encountering low-level corruption more frequently in their
daily lives. Speeding tickets can be ignored, passports can
be expedited, and customs can be bypassed -- all for the
right price. Donations to the GOT's 26-26 Fund for
development or to the Bessma Society for the Handicapped --
Leila Ben Ali's favored charity -- are also believed to
grease the wheels. XXXXXXXXXXXXX, a well-connected
member of Parliament, faced increased pressure from the GOT
after refusing several "requests" to donate money to
Trabelsi's soccer team. XXXXXXXXXXXX reported
that customs inspectors demanded 10,000 dinars to
get his goods through customs; he did not reveal whether
or not he acquiesced to the demand.
¶9. (S) Nepotism is also believed to play a significant role
in awarding scholarships and offering jobs.
Leila Ben Ali's late mother, Hajja Nana, is also reported to
have acted as a broker for both school admissions and
government job placement, providing her facilitation services
for a commission.
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Mob Rule?
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¶10. (S/NF) The numerous stories of familial corruption are
certainly galling to many Tunisians, but beyond the rumors of
money-grabbing is a frustration that the well-connected can
live outside the law. One Tunisian lamented that Tunisia was
no longer a police state, it had become a state run by the
mafia. "Even the police report to the Family!" he exclaimed.
With those at the top believed to be the worst offenders,
and likely to remain in power, there are no checks in the
system. The daughter of a former governor recounted that
Belhassen Trabelsi flew into her father's office in a rage --
even throwing an elderly office clerk to the ground -- after
being asked to abide by laws requiring insurance coverage for
his amusement park. Her father wrote a letter to President
Ben Ali defending his decision and denouncing Trabelsi's
tactics. The letter was never answered, and he was removed
from his post shortly thereafter.
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The Elephant in the Room
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¶11. (S) Several Tunisian economists argue that it does not
matter whether corruption is actually increasing because
"perception is reality." The perception of increasing
corruption and the persistent rumors of shady backroom
dealings has a negative impact on the economy regardless of
the veracity. Contacts tell us they afraid to invest for
fear that the family will suddenly want a cut. "What's the
point?" XXXXXXXXXXXXXX asked, "The best case scenario is that
my investment succeeds and someone important tries to take a
cut." Persistently low domestic investment rates bear this
out (Ref H). Foreign bank accounts, while illegal, are
reportedly commonplace. A recent Ministry of Finance amnesty
to encourage Tunisians to repatriate their funds has been an
abject failure. XXXXXXXXXXXXXX stated that he plans to incorporate
his new business in Mauritania or Malta, citing fear of
unwanted interference. Many economists and business people
note that strong investment in real estate and land reflects
the lack of confidence in the economy and an effort to keep
their money safe (Ref C).
¶12. (S) Thus far, foreign investors have been undeterred, and
according to Tunisian business contacts, largely unaffected.
Foreign investment continues to flow in at a healthy rate,
even excluding the privatizations and huge Gulf projects
which have yet to get underway. Foreign investors more
rarely report encountering the type of extortion faced by
Tunisians, perhaps reflecting that foreign investors have
recourse to their own embassies and governments. British Gas
representatives told the Ambassador they had not encountered
any impropriety. XXXXXXXXXXXX stated that several years ago
Belhassen Trabelsi attempted to strong arm a German company
producing in the offshore sector, but that after the German
Embassy intervened Trabelsi was explicitly cautioned to avoid
offshore companies. Despite pronouncements about increasing
domestic investment, the GOT focuses heavily on increasing
FDI flows to the country, particularly in the offshore
sector. Nevertheless, there are still several examples of
foreign companies or investors being pressured into joining
with the "right" partner. The prime example remains
McDonald's failed entry into Tunisia. When McDonald's chose
to limit Tunisia to one franchisee not of the GOT's choosing,
the whole deal was scuttled by the GOT's refusal to grant the
necessary authorization and McDonald's unwillingness to play
the game by granting a license to a franchisee with Family
connections.
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Comment
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¶13. (S) Although the petty corruption rankles, it is the
excesses of President Ben Ali's family that inspire outrage
among Tunisians. With Tunisians facing rising inflation and
high unemployment, the conspicuous displays of wealth and
persistent rumors of corruption have added fuel to the fire.
The recent protests in the mining region of Gafsa provide a
potent reminder of the discontent that remains largely
beneath the surface. This government has based its
legitimacy on its ability to deliver economic growth, but a
growing number of Tunisians believe those as the top are
keeping the benefits for themselves.
¶14. (S) Corruption is a problem that is at once both
political and economic. The lack of transparency and
accountability that characterize Tunisia's political system
similarly plague the economy, damaging the investment climate
and fueling a culture of corruption. For all the talk of a
Tunisian economic miracle and all the positive statistics,
the fact that Tunisia's own investors are steering clear
speaks volumes. Corruption is the elephant in the room; it
is the problem everyone knows about, but no one can publicly
acknowledge. End Comment.





